The voltage in will change Essay Example for Free

The voltage in will change Essay Aim: I am going to carry out an investigation to find how the resistance of Resistor 1 affects the output voltage of a potential divider circuit There are several different factors that can affect the voltage out, when the resistance of Resistor 1 is changed. List of key factors 1. Voltage in 2. Voltage out 3. Resistor 1 I have chosen resistor 1 because, it is an advanced experiment, and will give me much to investigate/analyse and so I shall choose this variable. And I will be able to see just how the resistance affects the Voltage out (Vout. ) 4. Resistor 2 5. Resistor 1 and 2 6. Length of the wire 7. Type of wire. 8. Ammeter (The equipment used to measure the voltage) 9. Voltmeter 10. Digital multi-meter 11. Material of wire 12. Cross section of wire These factors if not controlled can affect the experiment and give me false data. The other factors must be controlled to make sure that I am measuring the affects of the correct (input variable) that I have chosen, (in this case the resistance of resistor 1. ) These factors are known as the control variables and they give you something to compare your results with, (and make your experiment repeatable, as you will have kept the conditions for your experiment the same. ) The output variable is the variable that will change due to the input variable in this case the Voltage out. (The other factors are mainly kept the same for accuracy. ) In my experiment I will be using a potential divider circuit (A circuit diagram of two fixed resistors in series. They can be used to split the voltage of a circuit) to find out how changing the resistance of Resistor 1 affects the total output voltage of a potential divider circuit. I will take all possible variables into consideration and I will try to make this experiment one which will create reliable and as accurate results. The experiment will be carried out in the school science lab where I will record the results and then conclude my experiment to prove whether my hypothesis correct or false. I predict that, when the resistance for Resistor 1 is increased the voltage out (Vout) will decrease. I know this because, the more atoms and electrons there are in a wire, the harder it is for the electrons (the current) to get past the atoms (the resistance) and around the circuit to the positive end. Diagram of an atom The nucleus of an atom consists of neutrons (neutral) and protons (positively charged), which are in a fixed stationary position. The electrons (negatively charged) on the outer shells however can move freely at high speeds. What is current? A metal wire is made of metal atoms; most metal atoms have one or two electrons in their outer energy level. When there is no conducted electricity present, the electrons will and can move freely in any direction. (Diagram of a metal compound, electrons moving freely, purple: electrons. Green: atoms) Delocalised electrons are spread across more than one atom. Electrons in materials are usually bound to one atom. Atoms are held together by the interactions of the charges on different atoms. In some cases, electrons can be shared between atoms, and are then called delocalised. The electrons will randomly move around the whole molecule structure and we end up with a regular lattice of metal atoms in a â€Å"sea of negatively charged electrons. † When electricity is introduced however the negatively charged electrons will instantly begin to move through the wire in the same direction (towards the positively charged end) this is an electric current, a current is the flow of charge in a wire or the movement of the negatively charged electrons through the wire. The electrons move like this because of the voltage (energy/ power) which â€Å"pushes† the current around the circuit. The energy is transferred from the power pack to the electrons that will equally share and give out the energy to each component in the circuit. By the time the electron has reached the end of the circuit it will have lost all the energy it will have in gained at the start (energy will be lost through components and resistance. ) Resistance is the opposition that the electrons will experience while flowing through the wire. An electron travelling through the wires encounters resistance. An electron does not travel in a direct route; instead it adopts a zigzag path due to the countless collisions with the atoms in the conducting material. When electrons move against the resistance, friction is generated. The friction produced by electrons flowing against the resistance will cause the wire to heat. (The hotter the wire, the higher the resistance. ) Resistance depends on the material, cross section and length. Resistance limits the amount of current flowing through the circuit for a given voltage of the power supply. For a circuit to work there must be no breaks, if there is a break then everything stops. An electric charge must also go all the way round the circuit. When a wire heats up they will act differently and a blockage will be made. This is a sign of Resistance. I have chosen to keep the voltage at 12 volts as this is the highest number of volts possible on the power pack. Using a higher voltage In, means that I will get higher results for Vout. I will also be able to record them in numbers that are easy to handle and work with, and a more significant range. Even though I have chosen my voltage to stay at stay 12 volts due to the power packs being not completely accurate, the voltage In will, change because I will be purposefully changing the resistance of the circuit. Everything in a circuit is not mutually exclusive; when one factor is changed every other factor will also change, as they are all interlinked and dependent on each other. As I know that the Voltage In will change, I will make sure that every time I test the resistance of the circuit I will also check the voltage of the circuit and record the result for that down too.

just war Essay -- essays research papers fc

One of the oldest traditions in religious ethics is that of the just war. The "Just War Theory" specifies under which conditions war is just. Opposition based on the Just War Theory differs from that of pacifists. Oppositionists oppose particular wars but not all war. Their opposition is based on principals of justice rather than principles of pacifism (Becker 926). In the monotheistic religious traditions of Christianity and Islam, one role of God (or Allah) is to limit or control aggressions among humankind. In these religious traditions, God establishes an ideal or standard for the righteous use of force by followers of the faith. These standards, or just war traditions, address details of when to use force to solve disputes, to what extent the force should be employed, and whose blessing is required to insure that the use of force is appropriate in the eyes of God. If a situation satisfies the just war tradition in that culture and the aggression is carried out for religious reasons, the action can be further classified as holy war. Many Americans connect the concept of holy war only with Islam. In fact the Christian crusades during the middle ages were just such a holy war being waged by Christians against Muslims. Whether a particular situation qualifies as a holy war or not, the focus of the just war tradition is to ask God for approval. â€Å"Appeals to ‘holy war’ or ‘religious crusade’ in one or another tradition are one type of appeal to divine authority regarding the use of force.† In recent history numerous conflicts, border skirmishes, battles and wars have arisen in which governments have decided to apply military force to varying degrees. Inevitably, politicians, policy-makers, religious and military leaders seek divine authority on which to base the struggle of their population and the loss of life. Have religious ethical values or theological aspects of the just war tradition influenced the nature of these military actions? Have the prevailing religious values kept military actions any more humane than they might otherwise have been? This paper will examine the theological roots of the just war tradition in the Christian and Islamic cultures. In addition, it will try to ascertain how religious ethics, and the just war tradition in particular, has been used between the †Å"war† on terror and the United States. Finally, this paper will dem... ...; Weigel, George. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Greenhaven Press, 1978. â€Å"Encyclopedia of Islam.† Esposito, John L. New York: International Union of Academies, 1960. â€Å"Exploring the Christian Faith.† Packer, J.I., Osborn, Grant R., Brown, Colin. Nashville, Tennessee: Lion Publishing, 1996. â€Å"Just War and Jihad, Historical and Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions.† Kelsay, John & Johnson, James Turner. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1991. â€Å"Living Religions.† Glasse, Cyril. Oxford University Press, 1995. Fisher, Mary Pat. 4th Ed. Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1999. â€Å"The Christian Theology Reader.† McGrath, Alister E. Malden, Ma & Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd. 1995, 2001. â€Å"Pacifism.† Encyclopedia of Ethics. Ed. Becker, Lawrence C. New York & London: Garland Publishing, INC. 1992. â€Å"War and Peace.† Encyclopedia of Ethics. Ed. Becker, Lawrence C. New York & London: Garland Publishing, INC. 1992.

Disraeli: An unprincipled adventurer in politics Essay

â€Å"An unprincipled adventurer in politics.† How fair is this interpretation of Disraeli in the period 1837- 1846? 1st DRAFT Over the years, the political character of Disraeli has bewildered historians as much as it did his colleagues. Previously historians, such as Machin, had an inclination to accept the view of his contemporary critics which was often, that in the obscurities of his politically life prior to 1846, Disraeli was â€Å"An unprincipled adventurer in politics†, motivated by his own personal ambition rather that a doctrine of political principles. Yet recently there has been an upsurge in the number of historians that believe Disraeli did possess a clear set of ideas. These principles originated from Disraeli’s understanding of English history and values, and that a desire to defend and realize his conception of England gave his career coherence. Disraeli saw himself as a foe of dangerous cosmopolitan ideas that were damaging the national spirit and creating social conflict.1 Whilst Disraeli can be considered as unprincipled in his methods, Disraeli’s underlying sense of political purpose, and the rhetoric he used to promote his objectives, never changed thus showing that he was truly a principled politician. In the early 1830s Disraeli stood in several elections as a Whig, Radical and as an Independent. However, Disraeli was a Tory by the time he won a seat in the House of Commons in 1837 representing the constituency of Maidstone. These frequent changes of allegiance to the different political groups are one of the ways which one can claim Disraeli to be unprincipled but was he? Disraeli claimed that his switch to conservatism was due to his belief in the fact that Conservatives defended the interests of the people. This claim for can be proven by the fact that in the 1822 the Tory party under Lord Liverpool’s administration argued for the rights of Dissenters and even repealed the Test and Corporations Act which allowed for protestant dissenters to hold positions in public office. In addition, in 1836 Disraeli wrote and published the pamphlet ‘Vindication of the English Constitution (1835). In this pamphlet, Disraeli described the Whigs as a party, tried to monopolise the government by enslaving the monarchy during the 18th century. This evidence also leads to Ian St John’s conclusion that Disraeli was always a ‘Tory Radical’ who believed that the Tory party was the true party since the Whigs pursued ‘a selfish agenda in the interests of a narrow elite’2 . In addition, he claimed that the Tories had shown themselves to be a truly ‘national party’, representing the views of ‘nine-tenths of the people’.3 This evidence agrees with Disraeli’s own claim that the Tory party was the actual party of the people, and in this way one can say that Disraeli’s switch to conservatism was based upon a principled grounding. Further arguments that Disraeli’s switch to conservatism was based on his principle and not on his own personal ambitions are that during Disraeli’s earlier attempts for Parliament, he had always argued for agricultural assistance. This belief formed an integral part of the Tory party’s principals since in 1815 a Tory government had introduced the Corn Laws as a means of protecting the British agricultural market from an influx of cheap foreign corn. In addition, one can argue that Disraeli’s switch to Conservatism could also be a result from the fact that the Conservative party was the party Disraeli grew up around. During his youth Disraeli had met George Canning who was a friend of his father, in addition in the 1830s Disraeli was drawn to the Conservative’s party social circles. Through these functions he was introduced to Lord Lyndhurst (a former Tory Chancellor) by Lady Henrietta Sykes.4 Therefore one can say that through his background, fundamental beliefs and social circles, Disraeli was a natural Conservative in the same way that Gladstone was a natural Liberal However, for many historians these are not the main reasons as to why Disraeli became a Conservative MP. In 1834 Disraeli received Conservative financial support from Lord Lyndhurst who was his patron.5 This inextricably linked Disraeli to the Conservative party, especially when one considers the fact that Disraeli was not competent with his domestic economics and would therefore never be able to repay Lyndhurst. In conclusion one can say that Disraeli’s conversion to the Conservative party was mainly a genuine switch even though it may have been influenced by the generosity of Lord Lyndhurst The character of Disraeli can also been seen to be principled in is by his belief that rich members of society have a duty to the poor. This belief was expressed in Disraeli’s reaction to the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act. This Bill founded a Poor Law Commission to supervise the national operation of the Poor Law system, included the moulding together of small parishes into Poor Law Unions and the building of workhouses in each union for the giving of poor relief. The act was â€Å"Whig-Benthamite reforming legislation of the period†6 passed by Earl Grey in order to dissuade people from becoming poor and wanting to join the Work house system. In 1840 Disraeli condemned the New Poor Law and the Work house system due to his belief that the government should help the poor in a paternal way. This marked the start of Disraeli’s belief in one nation Toryism. The idea of ‘One nation Toryism’ was present in Disraeli’s novel Sybil, where he described Britain as â€Å"Two nations †¦ the rich and the poor.† 7 Disraeli believed that the ideology of young England, the 1852 budget and the 1867 Reform Act. Therefore this shows that Disraeli’s devotion to a Romanticised version of society where the upper classes had a duty to the poor was a stead fast principle of Disraelian politics. Another way in which Disraeli expressed his principles of preserving social harmony and helping the poor was through his sympathy to the Chartists. Chartism was a movement established in 1836 and controlled by working men who wanted to achieve parliamentary democracy as a step towards social and economic reform. In 1840 Disraeli was one of only 5 MPs who argued against the heavy punishments given to Chartists. This was due to the fact Disraeli believed that that political rights ensured social happiness. In his Chartist novel, Sybil or the two Nations, Disraeli gave the only fictional account of Chartism which understood the political demands of the movement8. This reaction to Chartism showed Disraeli as being principled as his desire to help the poor was present in his 1852 budget since he wanted to reduce indirect taxation on malt and tea, and levy the income budget. This would have helped with the working class who were more affected by indirect taxation than they were direct taxation as Gladstone would soon realise. In addition, one of the main values of Disraeli’s Young England was the conservative and romantic strand of Social Toryism that included the patronage of ‘noblesse oblige as the basis for its paternalistic form of social organization.’9 In addition, through his 1867 Reform Bill Disraeli also enhanced the franchise of the professional and middle classes. Despite the fact that cynical historians such as —- may see Disraeli’s attempts to widen the political field as a way of getting a Conservative political stronghold, the line of thought that Disraeli was a ‘Radical Tory’ dispels their claim. This is because Disraeli was radical in the sense that he welcomed the Reform and wanted to push British politics towards a ‘democratic principle’ of government with ‘triennial elections and the secret ballot.’10 This notion of wider representation links in with the previous argument of why Disraeli became a conservative MP. By extending the political map Disraeli believe that the English Nation would be better represented as it would dispel the oligarchical control that the Whigs held in Parliament. Therefore one can argue that Disraeli’s support of Chartism shows him as a principal politician as it reflects his belief in a need for reform in the Victorian political system. The case of Disraeli staying with his principles of a Romantic, paternalistic society is also evident in Disraeli’s works of fiction and his membership of Young England. Disraeli had helped to form the Young England group in 1842 based upon the that the middle class now had too much political power and an alliance between the aristocracy and the working class was needed to keep society functioning. Disraeli suggested that the aristocracy should use their power to help protect the poor yet a social hierarchy that should be maintained.11 Yet despite making these views of paternalism evident in his legislature such as the 1852 budget and his response to the 1843 Poor Law amendment historians such as Ian St John always ask how seriously did Disraeli regard young England? This is an obtuse question. Young England was an important tool of Disraeli’s as it helped him to publicise his political beliefs and during 1842 they helped him attack the Poor Law, and the rationalist sys tem of thought. In addition, due to his unconventional education, Young England was also vital to Disraeli as it allowed him to network within the Conservative party despite the fact that he was an outsider due to his Jewish ethnicity and middle class background. One can also argue that Disraeli showed a clear commitment to the ideologies of Young England due to his writings. Disraeli’s novels Coningsby (1844), Sybil (1845) and Tancred (1847) all show concern about poverty and the injustice of the parliamentary system. In Coningsby, Disraeli attacked the Tamworth Manifesto as ‘an attempt to construct a party without principles’. Moreover, his subsequent novel Sybil shows the start of one nation Toryism as it shows concern about the development of two nations causing a schism in society. This novels are critical as they all show Disraelian principals since all the novels show a continuation of Disraeli’s beliefs of a Romantic notion of government and desire for reform and in this way can be said to be principled. Moreover Young England is proof of Disraeli’s principles as it shows that his belief in a Romantic system of government and paternalism was as present in his ideals as a young man, as they were when he was Prime minister in the 1870s. The main argument for Disraeli being an ‘unprincipled adventurer’ in politics is often due to his relationship with Peel. There are often three main views to this section of Disraeli’s early political career. The first view is that Disraeli led his attack on Peel for revenge. According to Norman Lowe Disraeli was ‘furious when Peel did not offer him a place in his 1841 cabinet and perhaps because of this Disraeli lead the attack on Peel over the Corn Law repeal’12.However this account for Disraeli’s attack on Peel is highly flawed. In his biography on Disraeli, Christopher Hibbert claims that in 1844 Peel had wrote to Disraeli apologising for dismissing his offer to work in his cabinet and stating that if he had offended Disraeli it was ‘wholly unintentional on [his] part†13 Hibbert then goes on to state that this apology showed that the animosity between the two men was no longer tangible and, soon after the apology was made Disrae li and three member of Young England ‘voted with the government’14! In fact, Hibbert then goes onto disclose that Peel actually praised Disraeli’s speech on the Irish question calling it ‘very able’. These are all very clear examples showing how Disraeli’s direct and very public attack on Peel over the issue of the repeal of the Corn Laws could not have been a result of Peels rebuff in 1841. Both men had declared a truce with each other (although Grenville did comment in his diary that Disraeli’s speech on the Ireland question was ‘under the guise of compliment making an amusing attack on Peel’15) and it was for the benefit of the Tory party if this truce was maintained. After all as the historian Southgate remarked ‘[Disraeli had] no principle except that of maintaining party unity’.16 Therefore the claim that Disraeli’s attack on Peel was ‘unprincipled’ as it was based upon a personal vendetta against the Tory leader is historically inaccurate. Another interpretation for Disraeli’s attack on Peel given by Machin is that Disraeli’s attacks stemmed from a personal ambition. By attacking Peel over the 1846 Corn Law Crisis Disraeli apparently, made him name as an able orator and gave him his first political influence. Whilst the latter half of this statement may be viewed as true, Hibbert had already shown that Disraeli’s skills for oration were already known by 1846 due to his speech on the Irish question which ‘was so widely admired †¦that his wife asked him to note down’17 However one cannot dispute that by defeating Peel Disraeli gained a political advantage. Even Jenkins states that the ‘subsequent events helped to catapult Disraeli into a position of authority which he could never have expected to achieve so quickly if at all’. Whilst this may be true by toppling Peel from power Disraeli has left the Tory party ‘in the political wildernesses’18 according to Machin. Commonsense dictates that whilst he was the most promising Conservative MP, a person cannot fulfil any political ambitions whilst their party is divided and weak. Therefore it is illogical to say that Disraeli uprooted Peel from power in a bid to further his own political career, as without Peel leading the Tories, any chance of political victory would have been harder to achieve. The final and perhaps most justified reason why historians such as Monypenny believed that Disraeli lead the attack on Peel was due to ‘a clear question of principle and†¦pressure from his constituents’19. Whilst many historians believe that Peel was a true statesman, David Eastcote takes the Victorian contemporary view that Peel was actually a turncoat. By championing the ideas of Catholic Emancipation, the Maynooth Grant and the Corn Law repeal ‘Peel had quite deliberately isolated himself, and in so doing he had destroyed his party, or at any rate driven an immovable wedge between Peelism and Toryism. The destruction of the party was not an unfortunate, unintended consequence of the Corn Law crisis – it was, rather, quite deliberately engineered by Peel’.20 Although many people view that the Tory party disintegrated with the exodus of the Peelite fraction of the party, it is important to realise that Peel’s decision were unpopular with the core base of ultra-Tories. This was due to the fact that even though his party was in power, there were no real Tory party decisions as Peel preferred a Presidential style of governing rather than an executive governing style. In addition one can argue that Disraeli held a principle attack on peel due to the fact that whilst he had supported Peel in 1842 over further relaxation of the Corn Laws, he was unable to support Peel over their complete repeal. This was because he saw Peel’s desertion of ‘Protection and as a betrayal of agricultural interest’ which was the ‘backbone of the party’21.Disraeli therefore declared alongside Lord Bentinck that they would ‘never†¦be guilty or double dealing with the farmers of England†¦.or betraying our constituents’ 22highlighting the fact that Disraeli was fighting the issue of Corn law repeal based on his principles of agricultural protection as well as a having a sense duty to his constituents. This interpretation ca n also be verified by the fact that 242 former supporters of Peel also rebelled against his 1846 proposal for Corn Law repeal. The idea that the rebel against Peel over the corn Law crisis was based on a notion of having a duty to his electorate is also present in Walton’s verdict of 1846 where he states that Disraeli attacked Peel for ‘changing his policy without consulting the electorate or listening to the views of his supporters’23. Ian Machin also concedes that although Disraeli did have something to gain from usurping Peel, there was a strong public opinion in the constituencies that was for the idea of retaining the Corn Laws. Therefore one can logically conclude that Disraeli’s attacks on Peel in 1846 Disraeli’s attacks on Peel could be argued as being unprincipled on the surface as they are often seen as being based upon an underlining tone of resentment and antipathy due to Peel’s refusal to give him a position of power in 1841. However there is stronger evidence to suggest that Disraeli’s attacks were due to Peel’s betrayal of the Conservative party as well as pressure from his constituents. However, once one has argued away the beliefs that Disraeli was unprincipled due to his relationship with Peel, one is left with arguments Disraeli’s contemporaries held for him being unprincipled. The majority of reasons why Disraeli is often seen as an unscrupulous politician are due to his background. Due to Disraeli’s Jewish heritage he was often received with Anti-Semitic bias. This is recognised when Derby writes â€Å"there is no one in our arty who can compete with you†¦but†¦your formal establishment in the post of leader would not meet with a general and cheerful approval†¦Ã¢â‚¬  This means that whilst Disraeli was a recognised key political player in the Conservative party (thus eliminating the idea that he was a mere adventurer), his personal background would always work against him. However not only did Disraeli’s Jewish roots help to hinder his political progression. However all this argument is invalid since it does not state that he was unprincipled due to his political beliefs, but rather, that he was unprincipled due to his ethnicity. These arguments are therefore irrational and further alienate the claim that Disraeli was an irrational politician as historians no longer view Disraeli with a racial bias. In conclusion, the statement â€Å"An unprincipled adventurer in politics† is not a fair interpretation of Disraeli in the period 1837- 1846. By studying Disraeli’s early political career there is a key notion that the principles of a paternalistic Romanticised society is truly maintained, as well as a belief that the Tory party is the true party of the nation. In addition in regards to Disraeli’s dispute with Peel over the 1846 Corn Law crisis, one can see that on deeper examination the underlying roots of Disraeli’s arguments were held upon the as same convictions which he campaigned for as an independent MP and the same principles that made him a ‘Radical Tory’. Therefore one can convincingly argue that during the period 1837- 1846 Disraeli was as principled as a politician can be. 1 T.A. Jenkins ‘Benjamin Disraeli and the Spirit of England’, History Today 54:12 (December 2004), 9-15 2 Ian. St John, Disraeli and the Art of Victorian Politics, (London: Anthem) 2005, pg 10 3 Jenkins, 54 4 William M. Kuhn, the Politics of Pleasure: A portrait of Benjamin Disraeli (Michigan: Pocket) 2007 pg 174 5 William M. Kuhn, the Politics of Pleasure: A portrait of Benjamin Disraeli (Michigan: Pocket) 2007 pg 175 6 Norman. Gash, Politics in the Age of Peel (London: Longman) 1953, pg 395 7 Andrew Heywood, Political Ideologies: An Introduction, (Basingstoke: PalgraveMacmillian),2003 p88 8 Norman Lowe, Mastering Modern British History, (Basingstoke: Macmillan) 1984 pg 118 9 Wikipedia, Young England, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Young_england (January 4, 2009) 10 Ian . St John, Disraeli and the Art of Victorian Politics, (London: Anthem) 2005, pg 10 11 William M. Kuhn, the Politics of Pleasure: A portrait of Benjamin Disraeli (Michigan: Pocket) 2007 pg 185 12 Norman Lowe, Mastering Modern British History, (Basingstoke: Macmillan) 1984 pg 247 13 Christopher Hibbert, Disraeli- A personal history, (Hampshire: HarperPerennial) 2004 pg 160 14 Christopher Hibbert, Disraeli- A personal history, (Hampshire: HarperPerennial) 2004 pg 160 15 Christopher Hibbert, Disraeli- A personal history, (Hampshire: HarperPerennial) 2004 pg 160 16 John Walton, Disraeli, (London: Lancaster pamphlets) 1990 pg 59 17 Christopher Hibbert, Disraeli- A personal history, (Hampshire: HarperPerennial) 2004 pg 160 18 Ian Machin, Disraeli (Canada: Pearson Education) 1996 pg 110 19 Mary Dicken, Disraeli, (London: HarperCollins) 2004 pg 20 20 David Eastwood, ‘Peel-Statesman or Turncoat’, History Today 23 (December 1995)pg 20-25 21 Mary Dicken, Disraeli, (London: HarperCollins) 2004 pg 17 22 Mary Dicken, Disraeli, (London: HarperCollins) 2004 pg 19 23 John Walton, Disraeli, (London: Lancaster pamphlets) 1990 pg 8

An Examination of Factors Contributing to Identity...

The process of adopting a child internationally is lengthy, costly, and both physically and emotionally exhausting.Since it takes so much to adopt, only a small number of Americans can and do; mostly middle- and upper-middle class couples.Therefore, many internationally adopted children grow up in an environment with ready access to resources, with adults who are able to support them financially and emotionally.In such narrow socioeconomic circumstances, the question then arises: What accounts for those internationally adopted children and youth who do not adjust well?What factors contribute to the normal, healthy development of these individuals?Examining international adoption also brings up this point:Is there really a significant†¦show more content†¦It is also unclear from this study whether adoptee mothers were more receptive and sensitive to their child?s behavior. Also, perhaps attachment is not a factor in determining whether infants will grow up to be well-adjusted children and eventually adults. A longitudinal study conducted on trans-racially adopted infants would perhaps help answer this question.Perhaps at 11 months of age, an infant hasn?t reached the point where he or she stops instinctually attaching. In looking at the circumstances of an international adoption, one cannot discount the influence that both parents have on the child.A study comparing Israeli families who adopted domestically with those who adopted internationally found significant differences in parenting styles and family life (Levy-Schiff, Zoran, Shulman, 1997).Overall, parents who internationally adopted generated more positive feelings about the adoption and raising their child.In turn, their adopted children perceived the family environment as ?more controlling? than did the domestically adopted children (Levy et al, p. 123). These findings suggest that the event of internationally adopting affects the way that a parent perceives their child, and in turn how they treat the child.This could have an impact on development.A possible explanation for a difference in treatment is thatShow MoreRelatedRacism And Racial Segregation : A Color Blind Society1052 Words   |  5 Pageswhich perceive race in America through differential diagnosis. The dogma of race has logical consequences that are profoundly important. If blacks, for example, are equal to whites in every way, what accounts for differential success levels or other factors? Since any theory of racial differences has been outlawed, America must be racked with a pervasive and horrible understanding of the concept of race since it has a deeper literal meaning than phenotypically. Through this textual evidence I plan toRead MoreEssay on Experiencing Immigration2493 Words   |  10 Pagesworking conditions, socialization, and increasing assimilation into th e American culture were experiences common to all immigrating groups. These areas of adjustment and the ways in which they evolved illustrates typical immigrant experiences and proves that this was an era that truly shaped the evolution of the world. In general, factors pushing immigrants to emigrate from their own countries take on similar themes across groups. Fleeing religious persecution, seeking political asylum, andRead MoreThe Effects Of Bullying On Children And Adolescents Essay1931 Words   |  8 Pagesweaker. Not only that, but it can also be harmful to children and adolescents who are constantly moving through their identity development (Kira, Lewandowski, Ashby, Somers, Chiodo, Odenat, 2014). It is also said that involvement in bullying, as the bully or victim, has negative effects on the physical and psychological health of children and on their future psychosocial adjustment as adults (Vaillancourt, Hymel, McDougall, 2013). According to Copeland (2013), research on bullying can be tracedRead MoreCyberbullying And Race / Ethnicity : A Study Of Philadelphia High School Students2894 Words   |  12 Pagesmarginalized race/ethnic identity. It also attempts to investigate the frequency of bullying and harassments of students with multiple marginalized identities in comparison to students with one or no marginalized identities. There has been research exploring the bullying and harassment of students based on social identities such as race/ethnicity, ability status, gender/sex assigned at birth, gender identity /or gender expression, and sexual orientation. While there has been some examination of the frequencyRead MoreLife Span Development Reflective Paper5968 Words   |  24 PagesLife Span Development Reflective Paper Introduction Brenda Watson Leadership Coaching September 19, 2010 This has been a very fascinating journey from prenatal, birth to old age. The goal of this paper is to show how my knowledge and understanding of life span development has increased, as well as demonstrate how this knowledge and understanding will apply to and can be used within my area of specialization, Leadership Coaching. As a Social Worker, I have had the opportunity to work withRead Morecourse outline4047 Words   |  17 Pageschange, managing change, theories and methods of change, and innovation and leadership in organizations. COURSE OVERVIEW: This course provides an understanding of change in organizations. Students will learn about the internal and external factors contributing to the need for organizational change, how to diagnose problems accurately, and how to implement effective and sustaining change strategies, including the introduction of technology. A variety of topics will be covered such as theoretical modelsRead MoreLabeling Theory3304 Words   |  14 Pagesbeing. Labeling theory or social reaction theory, focuses on the linguistic tendency of majorities to negatively label minorities or those seen as deviant from norms. Labeling theory or social reaction theory is concerned with how the self-identity and behavior of individuals may be determined or influenced by the terms used to describe or classify them, and is associated with the concept of a self-fulfilling prophecy and stereotyping. Lemert was as the founder of the societal reactionRead MoreChallenges Integrating Students With Disabilities6780 Words   |  28 Pageschances for them to sustain themselves financially with dignity and greater participation as citizens. The call to inclusion for academic institutions is to make programs and services accessible to all students, which may include making physical adjustments to facilities, providing accessible information technology, and incorporating the concept of universal design in programming and activities. This chapter is designed to assist student affairs professionals in providing full and meaningful accessRead MoreFactual Essay About Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease2424 Words   |  10 PagesPULMONARY DISEASE [pic] INTRODUCTION Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) presents significant challenges to a persons ability to carry out functional tasks and participate in social networks. Such factors are widely recognized as contributing to a persons sense of self identity, health and well-being. (Kerr, A, and C Ballinger 2010) Although there is no cure, the symptoms of COPD can be managed and damage to your lungs can be slowed down. If you smoke, quitting is the most importantRead MoreCorporate Identity10953 Words   |  44 Pages T. Balmer Professor of Corporate Identity Bradford School of Management Emm Lane Bradford West Yorkshire BD9 4JL England U.K. and Dr Helen Stuart Lecturer School of Business and Informatics McAuley Campus Australian Catholic University PO Box 456 Virginia Brisbane 4014 QLD, Australia. ABSTRACT There can be few organizations that have received as much media attention as British Airways (BA). This is particularly in regard to its various changes of identity/corporate brand that have been key